Skin Colour and Scarves: The Role of Muslim women as Guardians of Islamic culture in the South Asian Diaspora in the United Kingdom

The most visible element of the Muslim community in the United Kingdom is, without doubt, women. Islam is present on their skin and very often their clothing. Skin colour and scarves are reliable ways to quickly identify a Muslim woman. That identification often leads to violence; islamophobic attacks, at their most visceral and brutal level, disproportionately target visibly Muslim women.1 It is important to pause here a moment to note that the ways in which Muslim women are racialised are manifold. Skin is not always a reliable indicator, a white Muslimah of European descent does not fit the racialised mould. If you put hijab on her, she becomes racialised. For brown and black women it is not just the absence of hijab that deracialises them (from Islam) it is the presence of ‘western’ culture. Unfortunately, that discussion is beyond the scope of the present essay, but certainly deserves attention. The skins we are talking about are South Asian and the scarves are those nestled atop them. To be clear though, these are attacks perpetrated to specifically target an embodiment of Islamic culture. We know this because Non-Muslims that appear Muslim also experience islamophobic attacks.2 This speaks to the racialisation of Islamic symbols, which when it disrupts white space by merely being is reacted to with violence. The disruption occurs as a perceived encroachment on to white culture which must be defended from defilement at all costs. As receivers of violence because of the culture they embody, Muslim women become transformed in to guardians of that culture. As the apogee of the interaction between Muslim-ness and Whiteness they are also the main entry point by which white Britain enters in to Muslim cultural space i.e the main entry point through which whiteness seeks to insert itself in to the Muslim community. 3

In this essay we will try and analyse racism and racist responses to the diaspora and how they developed over time from when the diaspora was mainly constituted of men to men and women.

The second angle we will be approaching this from is the effect of women on Islamic institutions. As the diaspora reconstituted itself the need for new institutions arose as a response to a shift to permanence from temporary. Purpose built Mosques are probably the most clear example of this but the preponderance of halal grocery shops, Islamic clothing shops and halal restaurants are also good markers of this. Clothing shops are a particularly important metric because of the cultural importance of clothing within Islam. A man is able to wear clothing that is traditionally associated with the west whereas women have a code of dress, which has only very recently been catered for on the high street. Therefore when the diaspora is constituted of men there is no need for clothing shops which cater specifically to them. When women arrived that need also arrived with them. By
charting the development of these institutions we will try and determine how culture was unpacked and brought out in to white (British) spaces with the reconstitution of the diaspora. We’ll begin with examining the make-up of the diaspora and attempt to establish when the diaspora changed from primarily single men to also include women and families. By identifying the point of
change we will be in a better position to identify the factors for that change. In examining this we will be primarily looking at three key pieces of evidence. The first is The General Household Survey, which was a survey compiling data on household make-up and habits. This will give us raw data which will need to be analysed to provide meaningful insights on the makeup of immigrant
households and the number (and importantly) combination of inter-racial marriages. The General Household Survey ran from 1971 – 2007 so should provide a rich trove of data for the 70’s. The second source we will use is a journal article by Gary Cretser entitled Intermarriage Between ‘White’ Britons and Immigrants from the New Commonwealth and Pakistan. 4 Although the article predominantly uses data from 1983 it does analyse data from as early as 1965. 5 It also provides some valuable context about inter-marriages and their definition. Lastly we will be using another journal article which was a seminal work in the field of inter-marriage demography particularly because it was data rich. The article entitled Patterns of Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Great Britain was by Christopher Bagley, published in 1972 and included data from the 1960’s.6 Like Cretser, Bagley also provides some important context to inter-racial marriages as well as providing comparisons with other demographics and the combinations of those marriages. Examining those combinations will be important because it informs us to the directionality of marriage i.e are Asian men who marry white women marrying in to British culture, do they tend to conserve their own, Or is there a middleground.

Between 1919 and 1945 there were somewhere around 5000 to 8000 South Asian migrants living and working in Britain.7 Many of these migrants were men who worked in factories, salesmen, doctors, seamen but mostly students. 8 In fact survey’s from 1961 suggested that contrary to the stereotype of uneducated immigrants, migrants from South Asian tended to be more educated than the natives.9 Though the South Asian population was a very small percentage of the total population they did manage to reach far and wide in Britain with groups migrating to Scotland and even Ireland.10 This suggests that, despite the small number, the South Asian community were not resigned to the fringes. After the British Nationality Act was passed in 1948, migration from former colonies increased exponentially. In the decade between 1961 and 1971 migration from India increased the Indian diaspora in Britain by 300%. In the same period the Pakistani diaspora grew 500%, though it remained less than half of the Indian diaspora.11 At this time immigrants, South Asians included, graduated from ‘Aliens’ (a legal designation prior to the British Nationality Act) to ‘strangers’ and ‘others’, a cultural designation.12

Recognising the former colonised as citizens was therefore to recognise, partially, their humanity. The British Nationality Act not only gave citizenship to men but also their families. The big difference between the ‘British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914’ and the ‘British Nationality Act, 1948’ was the designation of the colonised as ‘British Citizens’. The 1914 act makes no such provision; however in the 1948 Act the definition of British citizen is given as:

‘1.-(i) Every person who under this Act is a citizen of the British United Kingdom and Colonies or who under any enactment for nationality the time being in force in any country mentioned in subsection (3) of this section is a citizen of that country shall by virtue of that citizenship have the status of a British subject. (2) Any person having the status aforesaid may be known either as a British subject or as a Commonwealth citizen … the expression “British subject” and the expression “Commonwealth citizen” shall have the same meaning.’ (3) The following are the countries hereinbefore referred to, that is to say … India, Pakistan, and Ceylon.’ [Sic]13

The 1914 Act only refers to ‘His Majesty’s dominions…’ with the added condition that the subject must have allegiance only to the crown.14 Under both the 1914 and 1948 acts women who were married to British citizens also became, by the fact of marriage, British citizens. With the passing of the 1948 act the route to Britain became much easier for families. It must be stated that under the 1914 act citizenship was much easier for men who could express their ‘allegiance’ through service in British military or civil institutions; women, especially coloured women, would not always have this recourse. One explanation for this is that women were not seen as useful economic agents and were resigned to being cultural or domicile agents. Both Acts also inherit citizenship patrilineally, meaning if a South Asian woman was a British citizen and married a Non-British citizen the child would not automatically be granted British citizenship.15 Because South Asian women could now claim citizenship much easier the diaspora was able to grow exponentially. Mary Fazel was a British woman married to a man from Peshawar named Fazel Mohammed.16 Mohammed, despite being a British citizen, was labelled an alien in 1925. This meant, under the 1914 Act, that Mary and their children could also potentially be labelled alien. This anecdote speaks to the challenges of families in the diaspora. It also speaks to the racialising fact of inter-racial marriage, or to give its racist name, miscegenation. This insecurity in status would have made it extremely difficult for immigrants to start a family life or bring over their existing families. After the passing of the 1948 Act much of the diaspora were not economic migrants, they were family reunion migrants.17 While some migrant men did marry British women the majority married from ‘back home’. The table below shows the figures of marriages between Pakistani and Indian men with other ethnicities.

Christopher Bagley, ‘Patterns of Inter-Ethnic’, p. 375.

The labelling of respondents as ‘ethnicities’ in the above table is a misnomer. Pakistan and India were newly constructed nations that comprised many ethnicities and cultures, collating them all together is unhelpful. Of course Bangladesh was two years (from the date of the above survey) away from becoming its own independent state, so it is likely the survey lumped Bengalis, who are
ethnically and culturally diverse, in to the Pakistani label.19 Unfortunately the survey does not record religion but we can safely assume that most Pakistani respondents were Muslim.

The combination of a white British man marrying an Indian or Pakisatani wife in 1969 was just 0.22%.20 Bagley caveats this figure saying that women born to white British parents in India would be classified at the time as ethnically ‘Indian’. Therefore the frequency of white British men marrying brown Pakistani or Indian women is negligible. Robert Merton argued that intermarriage was a a reciprocal trade. The white wife would gain higher class status and the brown husband would receive higher ethnic status.21 Cretser finds evidence to suggest that this has some truth to it. The 1983 General Household Survey examined the relative education of spouses. Cretser summarises the findings:

‘In most instances the husband left school at a later age than the wife (53.3%). Among couples where the wife was white and the husband from a minority ethnic group, there was an even greater tendency for the husband to have achieved a higher education. In 67.7% of these couples the husband had stayed in school longer.” [Sic]21

This suggests that Pakistani men were not assimilating white women in to Pakistani culture; rather Pakistani men were either assimilated or attempting to assimilate further in to white culture.

Though the British Nationality Act made it easier for both men and women to become British citizens and therefore granting both genders agency to reconstitute the diaspora, Muslim women have religious requirements that meant that cultural guardianship was primarily driven by them. Put simply, Muslim women and men have religiously mandated dress but Muslim men are able to fulfil that mandate with ‘western’ clothing. As Parvati Raghuram notes South Asian men are far less likely to wear ‘Asian’ clothing than women; even on special occasions.22 Through this South Asian women over the course of many years began to change the cultural and economic landscape of Britain.23 Raghuram briefly discusses the history of Leicester stating that ‘Many of the labour migrants from India and Pakistan who moved to meet the post-war labour shortages in the 1950s and early 1960s, the family reunion migrants who followed, and the more numerous migrants from East Africa in the late 1960s and 1970s settled in Leicester… Although suburbanization has led to dispersal of residence away from these areas … retailing continues to be concentrated in these wards…’24 Anthropologists and sociologists at the time (and today) considered this to be an insular practice that kept women out of the public realm and domesticated them within the community.25 That characterisation is crude and ill founded; creating market places for the exchange of cultural clothing allowed women to become at once economic and cultural agents. They both sold and consumed this cultural capital. These practices allowed for culture to take root in British society in the capitalist mode. The same cultural clothing is now fully assimilated in to the British high street.26 It also exists beyond the high street with Muslimah lifestyle blogs, magazines and events. No direct cultural corollary exists for Muslim men. Though I am not suggesting that Muslim men and Muslim women hold equal power within the community; if anything this once again suggests that Muslim men have become more assimilated in to British society than Muslim women and therefore do not feel the need to create cultural spaces within the community. For male cultural needs that cannot be met outside of the community there are still many religious events that do meet those needs. Masculine Muslim-ness in the west is therefore hybrid and can be shed to avoid violence, though this is not always easy. Intermarriage between Pakistani men and British women (as seen above) is proof of this assimilation. This speaks to British society’s rejection of the ‘Alien’ which the Muslim woman now symbolises. Not only does she embody the alien, but by not being domesticated she has also successfully inverted the colonial trope of ‘the guardian of the domicile’; she is the guardian of the culture. When viewed this way it makes sense that the majority of Islamophobic violence is directed towards Muslim women. Feminine Muslim-ness, even non-scarf wearing, is not hybrid and does not have the ability to switch between Britishness and Muslimness. Their identities exist as either one or the other and can never be both at the same time.

Though the brunt of islamophobic violence is currently directed towards Muslim women, violence against the South Asian community in Britain has existed for as long as the community has been present. In 1919 race riots broke out across Britain in major cities. Of course that violence was not solely directed at the South Asian community, or indeed Muslims, as one of the larger groups they experienced a good proportion of it.27 The racialized violence at this time was rationalised as a reaction to reduced economic opportunities for whites, Visram corroborates this by providing information on the number of Indians working in factories and white reactions to those numbers.28 Though this is violence it is different to the violence experienced by women, as was the case with Monique Améziane. 29 The example of Améziane is pertinent here because it is to do with Islamic (cultural) dress, which is what first created economic outlets for Muslim women. In both cases instead of economic anxieties, it is cultural anxieties which lead to islamophobia towards women. With the benefit of hindsight we can begin to create a narrative whereby we are able to better understand how Muslim identities were formed. Stefano Allievi argues that in Western Europe Muslim migrants began to unpack Islam from their suitcases slowly.30 The same argument applies also to Muslim communities in the U.K who formed cultural and political identities over a period of time. South Asian Muslim women not only exist in South Asian space but also as members of the Ummah, for that reason Muslim, Sikh and Hindu women from the South Asian diaspora took
divergent paths of identity formation. In fact even within the realm of Asian there are South Asian and African South Asian categories both of whom had different experiences.31 The more Muslim female identities were unpacked the more divergent these paths became. In keeping with racisms essential nature of essentialising, all these identities were grouped together as ‘Pakis’.32 This focus on Pakistanis, muslimness and femininity existed at a more highfalutin racist level too. As Geoffrey Nash points out the character arc for these types of Muslim characters is usually immigrant to secular awakening to shedding of Muslimness.33 This is true for Monica Ali’s character Nazneen in her novel Brick Lane (2003). Salman Rushdie in his book Midnights Children (1981) is also guilty of trying to impose a secular identity on to South Asian identity.34 Both Brick Lane and Midnights Children create a Muslim identity which is oppositional to enlightened secularism. Rushdie’s Satanic Verses with its hackneyed and lazy allegories (Gibreel Frishta!?) goes further and seeks to recast two of Islam’s most revered women; Aisha and Khadijah. Aisha becomes infantilised and a thinly veiled Khadijah becomes a white woman named Allie Cone.35 All this combined to create a South Asian Muslim Woman archetype which seeks to undress them figuratively. 36 In that sense both Ali’s and Rushdie’s books were cultural violence inflicted against Muslim South Asian identiy; in Ali’s case specifically feminine identity.

As Mazumdar and Mazumdar point out, traditional anthropological works on Mosques and Muslim women hold that Muslim women are disenfranchised because they often are not allowed to partake in mosque activities. They demonstrate that this is contextual and is often not true across the globe.37 Though I do believe greater roles need to be opened up to women in mosques the criticism that the lack of spaces makes women a passive group is wrong. It is an argument that tried to define Islam within the binary of the religious and the secular. Therefore, Islam is an identity that is expressed through ritual in the mosque. By now I hope I have shown that Islamic identity extends beyond that narrow definition, both from a normative Islamic perspective and in the way which British culture has reacted against Islam as an identity. Muslim women’s roles in shaping and continuing Islamic culture often lay outside of the mosque. They were often the primary or sole cultivators of identity within the community by providing those facilities at home.38 Deborah Philips notes that Muslim female identity often therefore becomes an identity that taps in to the wider ummah while simultaneously resisting assimilationist overtures. 39 This has real world implications, in cases studied in Slough and Reading (both with a high Pakistani population) men were viewed by the labour market as being more assimilated while Pakistani women less so and therefore employers were less likely to employ Pakistani women.40 This once again speaks to the economic and cultural agent divide between the genders. Muslim women are often viewed, from the outside, as being passive within their own communities. Orientalist and post 9/11 islamophobic discourses have played a big part in this. The two binaries of these discourses is that ‘aliens’ are first otherised and then assimilated, there is no room that allows non-indigenous cultures to exist without being commodified. Therefore economic actors are more readily accepted in to what is essentially a capitalist native culture. This can be seen within the (relatively more) acceptance of men who do not receive the same rate of violence as women do. Violence as a form of catharsis and purging has been practiced against the visibility of Muslim women. Where this is changing is where South Asian culture (in particular scarves) has been appropriated by high street brands. That appropriation has led to ‘acceptance’, but not yet assimilation. Public assertions of feminine South Asian Muslim-ness are still punished. Muslim women also tend to disrupt white spaces more than mosques, which can be avoided or even built to ‘fit in’.

Oddly despite Mosques not being the primary avenue of accessing Islam and Muslims for most of the non-Muslim population, their (often) diminished public role within the mosque space is used as an anthropological tool to label Muslim women as passive members of the Muslim community. While I acknowledge the lack of space for Muslim women in mosques across Britain using that as a metric is not just misplaced, it is absurd. South Asian Muslim women’s contributions, as far as their operation within the Muslim community, has to this point been predominantly to create pass on cultural identities. This is observable not only within the South Asian Muslim community but also within Muslim communities of other ethnicities. On the other hand men have had very little role in propagating culture.

References

  1. The Guardian https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/jul/20/record-number-anti-muslim-attacksreported-uk-2017 Last accessed 01/01/2019
  2. New Statesmen https://www.newstatesman.com/politics/staggers/2017/10/non-muslims-experiencingislamophobic-attacks Last accessed 01/01/2019
  3. For instance Project Shanaz https://shanaznetwork.weebly.com/
  4. 4. Gary Cretser, ‘Intermarriage Between ‘White’ Britons and Immigrants From the New Commonwealth and Pakistan’, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 21 (1990), pp. 227-238.
  5. Ibid, p. 227.
  6. Christopher Bagley, ‘Patterns of Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Great Britain’, Phylon (1960-),33 (1972), pp. 373-379.
  7. Rozina Visram, Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History, (London, 2002), p. 254.
  8. Ibid, pp. 254 – 255
  9. Anthony H. Richmond, Immigration and Ethnic Conflict, (New York, 1988), p. 23.
  10. Ibid.
  11. Cretser, ‘Intermarriage’, pp. 227-228
  12. Chris, Waters, “‘Dark Strangers” in Our Midst: Discourses of Race and Nation in Britain, 1947-1963’, Journal of British Studies, 36 (1997), pp. 209. The 1925 Coloured Alien Seamen Order discriminated specifically on the basis of colour, See Visram p. 205.
  13. http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1948/56/pdfs/ukpga_19480056_en.pdf Last accessed: 08/01/19
  14. http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1914/17/pdfs/ukpga_19140017_en.pdf Last accessed: 08/01/19
  15. That is assuming the marriage itself did not result in a loss of citizenship.
  16. Rozina Visram, Asians in Britain, p. 210
  17. 17.Between Consensus, Consolidation and Crisis: Immigration and Integration in 1970s Britain. https://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/1719
  18. Although this is not explicitly stated by Bagley the survey comes from data collected in 1969 and the article
    itself was published in 1972 so it’s safe to assume that there was no conception of Bangladesh or Bangladeshis
    as independent to Pakistani and Pakistanis. The inability to separate out cultures and ethnicities is a common
    problem from the anthropological work of this time.
  19. Christopher Bagley, ‘Patterns of Inter-Ethnic’, p. 374.
  20. Robert K. Merton, ‘Intermarriage and the Social Structure: Fact and Theory’, Psychiatry, (4, 1941), pp. 361- 374.
  21. Cretser, ‘Intermarriage’, p. 235.
  22. Parvati Raghuram, ‘Fashioning The South Asian Diaspora: Production and Consumption Tales’, in Nirmal Puwar and Parvati Raghuram (eds.), South Asian Women in The Diaspora, (Oxford, 2003), pp. 76-77
  23. Parminder Bhachu, ‘New Cultural Forms and Transnational South Asian Women: Culture, Class, and Consumption among British South Asian Women in the Diaspora’, in Peter Van der Veer (ed.), Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, (Philadelphia, 1995), passim.
  24. Parvati Raghuram, ‘Fashioning The South Asian Diaspora’, p. 75.
  25. Shampa Mazumdar, Sanjoy Mazumdar. ‘IN MOSQUES AND SHRINES: WOMEN’S AGENCY IN PUBLIC SACRED
    SPACE’ Journal of Ritual Studies, (16, 2002) p. 165.
  26. Banu Gökarıksel, Ellen McLarney, ‘Introduction: Muslim Women, Consumer Capitalism, and the Islamic
    Culture Industry’ Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, ( 6, 2010), passim.
  27. Rozina Visram, Asians in Britain, (London, 2002), p. 197.
  28. Ibid, pp. 197-200.
  29. Elizabeth Perego, ‘ The veil or a brother’s life: French manipulations of Muslim women’s images during the Algerian War, 1954–62’, The Journal of North African Studies, 20 (2015), pp. 349-373
  30. Stefano Allievi, ‘Sociology of a Newcomer: Muslim Migration to Italy – Religious Visibility, Cultural and Political Reactions’, Immigrants & Minorities, (22, 2003),p. 147.
  31. Joanna Herbert, Richard Rodger, ‘Narratives of South Asian Muslim Women in Leicester 1964-2004’ Oral History, (36, 2008), p. 58
  32. Parminder Bhachu, Dangerous Designs : Asian Women Fashion the Diaspora Economies, (London and New
    York, 2003), p. 10. Which also goes some way to explain why anti-Muslim violence is perpetrated against non-Muslim Asians.
  33. Noor Hashem, ‘Reviewed Work: Writing Muslim Identity by Geoffrey Nash’, Twentieth Century Literature, (59, 2013), p. 191.
  34. Gaura Shankar Narayan, ‘Lost Beginnings in Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children’, In Brian Richardson (ed.), Narrative Beginnings: Theories and Practices, (Lincoln and London, 2008), pp. 137–148.
  35. Damian Grant, “The Satanic Verses.” Salman Rushdie, (Devon, 2012) pp. 74, 76.
  36. It may also have had the consequence of ‘Asian-ising’ Islam. In Satanic Verses ‘Ayesha’ wants to undertake a pilgrimage from Arabia to Pakistan. Historically Islam entered into Africa much earlier than Asia. In Brick Lane Nazneen’s two love interests Channu and Karim both embody Islam and both characters ultimately disappoint her.
  37. Shampa Mazumdar, Sanjoy Mazumdar. ‘IN MOSQUES AND SHRINES: WOMEN’S AGENCY IN PUBLIC SACRED
    SPACE’ Journal of Ritual Studies, (16, 2002) pp. 167-170.
  38. Deborah Phillips, ‘CREATING HOME SPACES: YOUNG BRITISH MUSLIM WOMEN’S IDENTITY AND CONCEPTUALISATIONS OF HOME’, in Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale (eds.), Britain: Race, Place and Identities, (Edinghburgh,2009, p. 24.)
  39. Ibid.
  40. Sophie Bowlby, Sally Lloyd-Evans, ‘‘YOU SEEM VERY WESTERNISED TO ME’: PLACE, IDENTITY AND OTHERING OF MUSLIM WORKERS IN THE UK LABOUR MARKET’, in Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale (eds.), Britain: Race, Place and Identities, (Edinghburgh,2009, p. 24. In turn, Muslim men are often characterised as being patriarchal.

Bibliography

Allievi, Stefano, ‘Sociology of a Newcomer: Muslim Migration to Italy – Religious Visibility, Cultural and Political Reactions’, Immigrants & Minorities, (22, 2003)

Bagley, Christopher, ‘Patterns of Inter-Ethnic Marriage in Great Britain’, Phylon (1960-),33 (1972). Bhachu, Parminder , Dangerous Designs : Asian Women Fashion the Diaspora Economies, (London and New York, 2003)

Bowlby, Sophie & Lloyd-Evans, Sally, ‘‘YOU SEEM VERY WESTERNISED TO ME’: PLACE, IDENTITY AND OTHERING OF MUSLIM WORKERS IN THE UK LABOUR MARKET’, in Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale (eds.), Britain: Race, Place and Identities, (Edinghburgh,2009)

Cretser, Gary, ‘Intermarriage Between ‘White’ Britons and Immigrants From the New Commonwealth and Pakistan’, Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 21 (1990)

Gökarıkse, Banu l, and McLarney, Ellen , ‘Introduction: Muslim Women, Consumer Capitalism, and the Islamic Culture Industry’ Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, ( 6, 2010)

Grant, Damian, “The Satanic Verses.” Salman Rushdie, (Devon, 2012)

H. Richmond, Anthony, Immigration and Ethnic Conflict, (New York, 1988)

Hashem, Noor, ‘Reviewed Work: Writing Muslim Identity by Geoffrey Nash’, Twentieth Century Literature, (59, 2013)

Herbert, Joanna & Rodger, Richard , ‘Narratives of South Asian Muslim Women in Leicester 1964-2004’ Oral History, (36, 2008) legislation.gov.uk

Mazumdar, Shampa & Mazumdar, Sanjoy, ‘IN MOSQUES AND SHRINES: WOMEN’S AGENCY IN PUBLIC SACRED SPACE’ Journal of Ritual Studies, (16, 2002)

Merton, Robert K., ‘Intermarriage and the Social Structure: Fact and Theory’, Psychiatry, (4, 1941)

Narayan, Gaura Shankar, ‘Lost Beginnings in Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children’, In Brian Richardson (ed.), Narrative Beginnings: Theories and Practices, (Lincoln and London, 2008)

New Statesmen Parminder, ‘New Cultural Forms and Transnational South Asian Women: Culture, Class, and Consumption among British South Asian Women in the Diaspora’, in Peter Van der Veer (ed.),

Nation and Migration: The Politics of Space in the South Asian Diaspora, (Philadelphia, 1995), passim.

Perego, Elizabeth, ‘ The veil or a brother’s life: French manipulations of Muslim women’s images during the Algerian War, 1954–62’, The Journal of North African Studies, 20 (2015)

Phillips, Deborah , ‘CREATING HOME SPACES: YOUNG BRITISH MUSLIM WOMEN’S IDENTITY AND CONCEPTUALISATIONS OF HOME’, in Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale (eds.), Britain: Race, Place and Identities,(Edinghburgh,2009)

Raghuram, Parvati, ‘Fashioning The South Asian Diaspora: Production and Consumption Tales’, in Nirmal Puwar and Parvati Raghuram (eds.), South Asian Women in The Diaspora, (Oxford, 2003)

The Guardian Visram, Rozina, Asians in Britain: 400 Years of History, (London, 2002)

Waters, Chris, “‘Dark Strangers” in Our Midst: Discourses of Race and Nation in Britain, 1947-1963’, Journal of British Studies, 36 (1997)

Leave a Reply

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

%d bloggers like this: